The Summary Cause for the
Stability or Downfall of Human Societies
CHAPTER 10
Application of the political criterion to the speculative reasonof influential individuals
63. So far we have considered the history of our criterion in the light of its relationship with the practical reason of the masses. We now have to consider it in its relationship with the speculative reason of individuals who exercise most influence in the government of societies. In other words, we have to consider it in relationship to the educated human spirit, and thus trace the progress by which humanity makes itself ever more capable of using such a criterion.
64. Consideration of the history of our criterion relative to the use made of it by the masses is of great importance with respect to non-Christian civil societies; the same consideration relative to well educated, influential individuals or to individuals who govern, is more appropriate to Christian societies.
65. Careful observation will show that one of the characteristics of non-Christian societies is to be guided for the most part by the practical reason of the masses. This occurs because those who enjoy power in such societies know how to exercise it only in harmony with the practical reason of the masses. Generally speaking, these rulers are incapable of acting in op-position to such reason. As a result, the destruction of these societies, once they have taken a turn for the worse, is inevitable. There is no human power to hold them back on their fatal journey.
In Christian societies, on the other hand, we find the kind of mentality and culture which raises individuals above the masses. Separated from the masses, they possess a totally new energy with which, in favourable circumstances, they are capable of effectively opposing the blind movement of the masses. The spirit of Christianity is something more than human and as such does not disregard or connive at any error or weakness, or blind, harmful inclination. Such a sublime and truly supernatural spirit has the courage and power to hold out against public opinion and gain the favour of the masses by enlightening, restraining and guiding them. This is unheard of in the history of non-Christian societies. The courage we are speaking of is super-human, the power mysterious. It saves societies when they are heading to dissolution; it gives them lasting life, renewing them in the midst of the greatest adversities and misadventures; it is that which underlies the words: `God made the nations of the earth healable.’
66. Clearly, relative to Christian culture, the use of the rule we have indicated must proceed in a way contrary to its progression amongst the masses. Relative to Christianity, its progression must be ascendant in the sense that the human spirit constantly advances in knowledge of the importance of the rule, and constantly renders itself more capable of practising it.
We have now to investigate the nature of this law according to which progress is continually being made. It is as follows.
67. We must distinguish two kinds of perfection in our faculty of knowledge. One is perfection dependent upon a large number of well-ordered notions, which makes the faculty capable of great `breadth of calculation’. The other is perfection dependent upon the faculty’s power of abstraction, which makes it capable of great `height of abstraction’. Human capacity for making use of the rule of which we are speaking is in proportion to the development of these two perfections of the faculty of knowledge.
68. Breadth of calculation leads human beings to realise with greater certainty which of the two parts of society is substantial (the part on which we have to concentrate) and which accessory.
69. `Height of abstraction’ then becomes necessary if we are to make a perfect division between the substantial and accidental parts. Without this, non-substantial matters could easily be retained along with what is substantial, and insisted upon with excessive rigour. This is the source of oppressive laws and arbitrary limitations imposed on human development; in short, it produces very serious impediments, with which short-sighted authority blocks the natural progress of accidental, but praiseworthy and valuable social benefits.
70. Normally the acquisition of breadth of calculation is proper to those whose ambit of affairs is more extended, that is, to people who are members of wider societies. Others, accustomed to government on a small scale, are usually restricted to very limited political calculation — unless their own ingenuity takes them further than their real circumstances. They are used to thinking only of themselves and their own restricted ambient. They judge the world from their own point of view, and naturally fall into many errors. They are easily inclined to petty competition, base acts of pride and unceasing rivalry. It is easy to see that perpetual subdivision of government in a nation leads to a desire for independence and supremacy on the part of cities, none of which knows how to prefer the good of the whole to that of a part. When little States are destroyed, they want to rise again and possibly celebrate their animosity towards others with vendettas. They pay no attention to common development which would flower to the extent that States of any great region were reduced in number and enlarged.(36)
71. The faculty of abstraction grows in people, taken as a whole, as a result of the work of centuries.
It is certain that at first people do not know how to make use of abstraction. Their intelligence, constricted by their imagination, is focused on beings themselves, not on the reasons explaining beings, that is, on their qualities and relationships. For example, people do not at first reflect greatly on the reason or abstract concept of a human being, but on subsistent human beings — Tom, Dick and Harry. As a result, their calculations generally have the advantage of paying attention to substance because they are incapable of separating what is accidental from the substance. But this also brings them to sacrifice many accessory matters and to establish excessively rigid and partly arbitrary dispositions.
72. After this first period, but as a result of Christianity to which the next development is normally owed, there follows a greater ease of abstraction, and separation of accidents from substance. This step leads people to perfect their way of ruling themselves; they know how to separate accidents from substance and consequently tend to attain substance without sacrificing accidents or blocking their development. It is true that such distinctions, when abused, open the way to subtlety and sophistication which, in its turn, gives rise to error and finally to excessive attachment to what is accidental in public affairs. This deficiency is not irreparable, however, granted the presence of breadth and power of calculation sufficient to remedy it.
73. In general we can say that ancient errors sprang from lack of distinctions; modern errors from an over-abundance of distinctions. The desire to be perfect and safeguard accidents easily leads us to abandon substance.
This provides one explanation for the ancient tendency to excessive servitude and the modern inclination to excessive freedom. The former error sprang from too little abstraction or distinction in considering human relationships; the latter from too much. This teaching is more important than we generally realise. It is the key enabling us to understand and explain the facts and customs of the earliest times of the human race.
74. We conclude, therefore: we have indicated two ways in which, as societies grow and time passes, mankind places itself in an ever better position to use our political rule or criterion: 1. by the acquisition of a greater breadth of calculation, and 2. by a higher degree of abstraction.
Notes
(36) Signor Pareto wrote to Lord Castlereagh on May 11th 1814 on behalf of Genoa: `The true force of States consists in union and harmony amongst their citizens. Consequently the association into a single State of PEOPLE SO CONSISTENTLY CONTRARY AND ADVERSE TO ONE ANOTHER AS LIGURIANS AND PIEDMONTESE would undoubtedly weaken rather than strengthen them.' Serra, in a Note to the Congress of Vienna, said: `If the life of the people is not to be contrary to the decisions [of the Congress of Vienna], at least the independence of Genoa will have to be safeguarded by its being granted a Sovereign who, like the Kings of Tuscany and Modena and those who first ruled Parma and Piacenza, is related to the great governing families of Europe. The evils flowing from foreign rule have been so recently and profoundly inflicted upon the Genovese that this people could never submit again without repugnance and complaint.' The final words show that the Italians of Genoa considered domination by the Italians in Turin to be on a par with domination by the French.'